This was followed by a period of ideological condominium with the old Soviet Union until the Sino-Soviet split of the late 50s and early 60s.
We did all this though a unified strategic framework.
And I have never shared the assumption that I’ve seen so much in the literature over the years that China will one day transform into a more liberal democratic state. Two, the profound challenge of sustaining strong, long-term Australian economic growth given the ageing of our population, static levels of workforce participation, and declining levels of economic productivity. We have to secure it though own efforts. As I said at the outset, my purpose here at the Australian National University is to look specifically at the question of China’s rise, America’s response to it and how we fit in the middle of that with a credible, durable National China Strategy for Australia. But in addition to that, China has at least six neighbouring states with whom it has disputed maritime borders. What is our strategy? Rather than part of the essential business of politics to entrench progressive reform for the long term through majoritarian government. In this chic-left view of the world, Labor governments must deliver either one hundred percent of the progressive reform agenda, because after all Labor is supposed to believe in these things.
While the legitimacy of these very same national political institutions, and their international counterparts, charged with dealing with these challenges, is itself also under threat. China also welcomed Australia joining the G20.
Interests which transcend any particular political administration.
While the legitimacy of these very same national political institutions, and their international counterparts, charged with dealing with these challenges, is itself also under threat. But that leads us to the particular challenges facing the ABC. And on top of that, our development aid allocations increased significantly under our government for each of the island states. Are they looking over their shoulder to the rising authoritarian challenge from China, Russia and elsewhere, arguing we now need more “robust” forms of governance ourselves to meet these challenges?
Two, the profound challenge of sustaining strong, long-term Australian economic growth given the ageing of our population, static levels of workforce participation, and declining levels of economic productivity. They don’t intend to wither away. These methods have all the hallmarks of a rolling political campaign, against the singular objective of preventing Labor from ever coming to power. Six, a fragmenting global order driven in part by China’s rise, an increasingly isolationist America, a divided Europe, a yawning global leadership deficit, an increasingly G-Zero world, and the growing danger of returning to the pre-’45 notions of survival of the fittest. Whatever the hue and cry that passes for our day-to-day political discourse, these structural challenges don’t go away.
I just said this government does not have, to the best of my knowledge, a coherent cabinet-endorsed national strategy on China. Whereas the far left, that is the Green Party, represent a constituency which have little interest in security and the economy, at best a partial interest in a structural approach to social justice, concentrating instead on the environment and selective international concerns, to the virtual exclusion of all others. But always comfortable in the assumption that a Labor incumbency will never cut ABC funding, and in fact will only enhance it. It’s ideological but at the same time it’s also deeply commercial. But what have the conservatives now done with the ABC? Australia should implement the full range of reforms embraced by the government of Canada under a conservative government on of the future of financial donations to political parties.
The overall limit to a person’s individual contribution of their own campaign is $15,000.
And most importantly, the overall ceiling that can be spent on a campaign within an individual constituency is $280,000. Whatever the hue and cry that passes for our day-to-day political discourse, these structural challenges don’t go away. And this does deep and enduring damage to the democracy itself. Against these criteria, I am concerned by Morrison’s most recent address to the public service where he said that the public service’s job was to attend to middle Australia; that we the political class are those in charge; that we politicians know that public servants think that you know what is best for the country, except that they don’t, because we the political class have a unique ear for the voice of the Australian public. Be very afraid. Third, governments also need senior civil servants who across their ranks have institutional history. It underlines why Labor must take on its adversaries on both flanks. This is the set of reforms which we need here. The bottom line is that it’s intended to send a meta message to the Australian public service: Be afraid.
There are also limits on third-party contributions. In such areas, its critical to be constructive with China. So let’s turn to the third hand clapping, if you will pardon the metaphor. And if that’s not enough to make you all feel cheerful this evening, our already troubled democratic institutions are faced with an even more fundamental challenge. It’s a declaration. I think it’s helpful to understand how other people think and why they think that way. Social media offers no credible alternative as a common, neutral platform for any form of national political conversation.
At the University of Melbourne, I spoke about alternative visions for Australia’s long-term economic future, including how we best manage the risk of recession in the immediate term. Murdoch and his editors have also deliberately cultivated an atmosphere of fear in Australia. The US could re-capitalise these institutions afresh in order to provide first class, transparent infrastructure funding mechanisms for the world, particularly for the target countries of the BRI, all of which which are infrastructure poor but where China at present is the only game in town. If you fail to grow the economy, if you fail to grow living standards, you delegitimise the party.
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